MAFIA, n: [Acronym for Mechanized Applications in Forced Insurance Accounting.] An extensive network with many on-line and offshore subsystems running under OS, DOS, and IOS. MAFIA documentation is rather scanty, and the MAFIA sales office exhibits that testy reluctance to bona fide inquiries which is the hallmark of so many DP operations. From the little that has seeped out, it would appear that MAFIA operates under a non-standard protocol, OMERTA, a tight-lipped variant of SNA, in which extended handshakes also perform complex security functions. The known timesharing aspects of MAFIA point to a more than usually autocratic operating system. Screen prompts carry an imperative, nonrefusable weighting (most menus offer simple YES/YES options, defaulting to YES) that precludes indifference or delay. Uniquely, all editing under MAFIA is performed centrally, using a powerful rubout feature capable of erasing files, filors, filees, and entire nodal aggravations. -- Stan Kelly-Bootle, "The Devil's DP Dictionary"
CYCLADES, a compact group of islands in the Greek Archipelago, forming a cluster around the island of Syra (Syros), the principal town of which, now officially known as Hermoupolis, is the capital of a department. Population of the group (1907) 130,378. The islands, though seldom visited by foreigners, are for the most part highly interesting and picturesque, notwithstanding their somewhat barren appearance when viewed from the sea; many of them bear traces of the feudal rule of Venetian families in the middle ages, and their inhabitants in general may be regarded as presenting the best type of the Greek race. To the student of antiquity the most interesting are: Delos (q.v.), one of the greatest centres of ancient religious, political and commercial life, where an important series of researches has been carried out by French archaeologists; Melos (q.v.), where, in addition to various buildings of the Hellenic and Roman periods, the large prehistoric stronghold of Phylakopi has been excavated by members of the British school at Athens; and Thera (see SANTORIN), the ancient capital of which has been explored by Baron Hiller von Gaertringen. Thera is also of special interest to geologists owing to its remarkable volcanic phenomena. Naxos, the largest and most fertile island of the group, contains the highest mountain in the Cyclades (Zia, 3290 ft.); the island annually exports upwards of 2000 tons of emery, a state monopoly the proceeds of which are now hypothecated to the foreign debt. The oak woods of Ceos (Zeá) and Ios furnish considerable supplies of valonia. Kimolos, which is absolutely treeless, produces fuller's-earth. The famous marble quarries of Paros have been practically abandoned in modern times; the marble of Tenos is now worked by a British syndicate. The mineral wealth of the Cyclades has hitherto been much neglected; iron ore is exported from Seriphos, manganese and sulphur from Melos, and volcanic cement (pozzolana) from Santorin. Other articles of export are wine, brandy, hides and tobacco. Cythnos, Melos and other islands possess hot springs with therapeutic qualities. The prosperity of Syra, formerly an important distributing centre for the whole Levant, has been declining for several years. Entry: CYCLADES
a, Angular of mandible. pa, Palatine. ar, Articular. pap, Posterior angular process of bt, Basi-temporal. mandible. d, Dentary. pe, Ethmoid. eo, Lateral occipital. pf, Post-frontal. eth, Ethmoid. pg, Pterygoid. f, Frontal. ps, Pre-sphenoid. iap, Interangular process px, Premaxilla. of mandible q, Quadrate. ios, Interorbital septum. qj, Quadratojugal. j, Jugal. sa, Supra-angular or coronoid. l, Lacrymal. so, Supra-occipital. mx, Maxillar. sq, Squamosal. n, Nasal. ty, Tympanic cavity. os, Orbito-sphenoid. v, Vomer. p, Parietal. 1, Exit of olfactory nerve.] Entry: 1
The most noticeable characteristic of Attic and Ionic is the change of [alpha] into [eta] which is universal in Ionic but does not appear in Attic after another vowel or [rho]. Thus both dialects used [Greek: mêtêr, timê] from an earlier [Greek: matêr, tima], but Attic had [Greek: sophia, pragma] and [Greek: chôra], not [Greek: sophiê, prêgma] and [Greek: chôrê] as in Ionic. The apparent exception [Greek: korê] is explained by the fact that in this word a digamma [digamma] has been lost after [rho], in Doric [Greek: korwa]. That the change took place after the Ionians came into Asia is shown by the word [Greek: Mêdoi], which in Cyprian is [Greek: Madoi]; the Medes were certainly not known to the Greeks till long after the conquest of Ionia. While Aeolic and the greater part of Doric kept [digamma], this symbol and the sound _w_ represented by it had disappeared from both Ionic and Attic before existing records begin--in other words, were certainly not in use after 800 B.C. The symbol was known and occurs in a few isolated instances. Both dialects agreed in changing _u_ into _ü_, so that a _u_ sound has to be represented by [Greek: ou]. The short _o_ tended towards _u_, so that the contraction of [omicron] + [omicron] gave [Greek: ou]. In the same way short _e_ tended towards _i_, so that the contraction of [epsilon] + [epsilon] gave [Greek: ei], which was not a diphthong but a close _e_-sound. In Attic Greek these contractions were represented by O and E respectively till the official adoption of the Ionic alphabet at Athens in 403 B.C. So also were the lengthened syllables which represent in their length the loss of an earlier consonant, as [Greek: emeina] and [Greek: eneima], Aeolic [Greek: emenna, enemma], which stand for a prehistoric *[Greek: emensa] and *[Greek: enemsa], containing the -[sigma]- of the first aorist, and [Greek: tous, oikous, echousi] representing an earlier [Greek: tons, oikons, echonti] (3 pl. present) or *[Greek: echontsi] (dative pl. of present participle). Both dialects also agreed in changing [tau] before [iota] into [sigma] (like Aeolic), as in [Greek: echousi] above, and in the 3rd person singular of -[Greek: mi] verbs, [Greek: tithêsi, didôsi], &c., and in noun stems, as in [Greek: dosis] for an earlier *[Greek: dotis]. Neither dialect used the particle [Greek: ke] or [Greek: ka], but both have [Greek: an] instead. One of the effects of the change of [alpha] into [eta] was that the combination [Greek: ao] changed in both dialects to [Greek: êo], which in all Attic records and in the later Ionic has become [Greek: eô] by a metathesis in the quantity of the vowels: [Greek: naos], earlier [Greek: nawos], "temple," is in Homeric Greek [Greek: nêos], in later Ionic and Attic [Greek: neôs]. In the dative (locative) plural of the -[alpha] stems, Ionic has generally -[Greek: êisi] on the analogy of the singular; Attic had first the old locative form in -[Greek: êsi], -[Greek: asi], which survived in forms which became adverbs like [Greek: Athênêsi] and [Greek: thurasi]; but after 420 B.C. these were replaced by -[Greek: ais, thurais], &c. The Ionic of Asia Minor showed many changes earlier than that of the Cyclades and Euboea. It lost the aspirate very early: hence in the Ionic alphabet H is _e_, not _h_; it changed [Greek: au] and [Greek: eu] into [Greek: ao] and [Greek: eo], and very early replaced to a large extent the -[Greek: mi] by the -[omega] verbs. This confusion can be seen in progress in the Attic literature of the 5th and 4th centuries B.C., [Greek: deiknymi] gradually giving way to [Greek: deiknyô], while the literature generally uses forms like [Greek: ephiei] for [Greek: ephiê] (impft.). In Attica also the aspiration which survived in the Ionic of Euboea and the Cyclades ceased by the end of the 5th century. The Ionic of Asia Minor has -[Greek: ios] as the genitive of _o_-stems; the other forms of Ionic have -[Greek: idos]. Entry: 3
HERACLEA was also the name of one of the Sporades, between Naxos and Ios, which is still called Raklia, and bears traces of a Greek township with temples to Tyche and Zeus Lophites. (D. G. H.) Entry: HERACLEA
He was suddenly silent and seemed to be pondering. The words were strange. Father Iosif, who had witnessed the scene yesterday, exchanged glances with Father Paďssy. Alyosha could not resist asking:
Rakitin, of course, was a person of too little consequence to be invited to the dinner, to which Father Iosif, Father Paďssy, and one other monk were the only inmates of the monastery invited. They were already waiting when Miüsov, Kalganov, and Ivan arrived. The other guest, Maximov, stood a little aside, waiting also. The Father Superior stepped into the middle of the room to receive his guests. He was a tall, thin, but still vigorous old man, with black hair streaked with gray, and a long, grave, ascetic face. He bowed to his guests in silence. But this time they approached to receive his blessing. Miüsov even tried to kiss his hand, but the Father Superior drew it back in time to avoid the salute. But Ivan and Kalganov went through the ceremony in the most simple-hearted and complete manner, kissing his hand as peasants do.
Father Iosif walked away, grieving the more since he had put forward his own opinion with little confidence as though scarcely believing in it himself. He foresaw with distress that something very unseemly was beginning and that there were positive signs of disobedience. Little by little, all the sensible monks were reduced to silence like Father Iosif. And so it came to pass that all who loved the elder and had accepted with devout obedience the institution of the eldership were all at once terribly cast down and glanced timidly in one another's faces, when they met. Those who were hostile to the institution of elders, as a novelty, held up their heads proudly. "There was no smell of corruption from the late elder Varsonofy, but a sweet fragrance," they recalled malignantly. "But he gained that glory not because he was an elder, but because he was a holy man."
The body of Father Zossima was prepared for burial according to the established ritual. As is well known, the bodies of dead monks and hermits are not washed. In the words of the Church Ritual: "If any one of the monks depart in the Lord, the monk designated (that is, whose office it is) shall wipe the body with warm water, making first the sign of the cross with a sponge on the forehead of the deceased, on the breast, on the hands and feet and on the knees, and that is enough." All this was done by Father Paďssy, who then clothed the deceased in his monastic garb and wrapped him in his cloak, which was, according to custom, somewhat slit to allow of its being folded about him in the form of a cross. On his head he put a hood with an eight-cornered cross. The hood was left open and the dead man's face was covered with black gauze. In his hands was put an ikon of the Saviour. Towards morning he was put in the coffin which had been made ready long before. It was decided to leave the coffin all day in the cell, in the larger room in which the elder used to receive his visitors and fellow monks. As the deceased was a priest and monk of the strictest rule, the Gospel, not the Psalter, had to be read over his body by monks in holy orders. The reading was begun by Father Iosif immediately after the requiem service. Father Paďssy desired later on to read the Gospel all day and night over his dead friend, but for the present he, as well as the Father Superintendent of the Hermitage, was very busy and occupied, for something extraordinary, an unheard-of, even "unseemly" excitement and impatient expectation began to be apparent in the monks, and the visitors from the monastery hostels, and the crowds of people flocking from the town. And as time went on, this grew more and more marked. Both the Superintendent and Father Paďssy did their utmost to calm the general bustle and agitation.
"It was not for such love Christ forgave her," broke impatiently from the gentle Father Iosif.
"We are discussing this gentleman's most interesting article," said Father Iosif, the librarian, addressing the elder, and indicating Ivan. "He brings forward much that is new, but I think the argument cuts both ways. It is an article written in answer to a book by an ecclesiastical authority on the question of the ecclesiastical court, and the scope of its jurisdiction."
"Oh, well, we have no mountains," cried Father Iosif, and turning to the elder he continued: "Observe the answer he makes to the following 'fundamental and essential' propositions of his opponent, who is, you must note, an ecclesiastic. First, that 'no social organization can or ought to arrogate to itself power to dispose of the civic and political rights of its members.' Secondly, that 'criminal and civil jurisdiction ought not to belong to the Church, and is inconsistent with its nature, both as a divine institution and as an organization of men for religious objects,' and, finally, in the third place, 'the Church is a kingdom not of this world.' "
He had no thought to spare for it indeed, for when Father Zossima, feeling tired again, had gone back to bed, he thought of Alyosha as he was closing his eyes, and sent for him. Alyosha ran at once. There was no one else in the cell but Father Paďssy, Father Iosif, and the novice Porfiry. The elder, opening his weary eyes and looking intently at Alyosha, asked him suddenly:
Meanwhile the time was passing; the monastery services and the requiems for the dead followed in their due course. Father Paďssy again took Father Iosif's place by the coffin and began reading the Gospel. But before three o'clock in the afternoon that something took place to which I alluded at the end of the last book, something so unexpected by all of us and so contrary to the general hope, that, I repeat, this trivial incident has been minutely remembered to this day in our town and all the surrounding neighborhood. I may add here, for myself personally, that I feel it almost repulsive to recall that event which caused such frivolous agitation and was such a stumbling-block to many, though in reality it was the most natural and trivial matter. I should, of course, have omitted all mention of it in my story, if it had not exerted a very strong influence on the heart and soul of the chief, though future, hero of my story, Alyosha, forming a crisis and turning-point in his spiritual development, giving a shock to his intellect, which finally strengthened it for the rest of his life and gave it a definite aim.
"He wouldn't be an elder ... he would refuse ... he wouldn't serve a cursed innovation ... he wouldn't imitate their foolery," other voices chimed in at once. And it is hard to say how far they might have gone, but at that moment the bell rang summoning them to service. All began crossing themselves at once. Father Ferapont, too, got up and crossing himself went back to his cell without looking round, still uttering exclamations which were utterly incoherent. A few followed him, but the greater number dispersed, hastening to service. Father Paďssy let Father Iosif read in his place and went down. The frantic outcries of bigots could not shake him, but his heart was suddenly filled with melancholy for some special reason and he felt that. He stood still and suddenly wondered, "Why am I sad even to dejection?" and immediately grasped with surprise that his sudden sadness was due to a very small and special cause. In the crowd thronging at the entrance to the cell, he had noticed Alyosha and he remembered that he had felt at once a pang at heart on seeing him. "Can that boy mean so much to my heart now?" he asked himself, wondering.
"What strikes you as so strange?" Father Iosif inquired cautiously.
Gentle Father Iosif, the librarian, a great favorite of the dead man's, tried to reply to some of the evil speakers that "this is not held everywhere alike," and that the incorruptibility of the bodies of the just was not a dogma of the Orthodox Church, but only an opinion, and that even in the most Orthodox regions, at Athos for instance, they were not greatly confounded by the smell of corruption, and there the chief sign of the glorification of the saved was not bodily incorruptibility, but the color of the bones when the bodies have lain many years in the earth and have decayed in it. "And if the bones are yellow as wax, that is the great sign that the Lord has glorified the dead saint, if they are not yellow but black, it shows that God has not deemed him worthy of such glory--that is the belief in Athos, a great place, where the Orthodox doctrine has been preserved from of old, unbroken and in its greatest purity," said Father Iosif in conclusion.
"Listen, listen, monks, to the parricide!" cried Fyodor Pavlovitch, rushing up to Father Iosif. "That's the answer to your 'shameful!' What is shameful? That 'creature,' that 'woman of loose behavior' is perhaps holier than you are yourselves, you monks who are seeking salvation! She fell perhaps in her youth, ruined by her environment. But she loved much, and Christ himself forgave the woman 'who loved much.' "
HEGESIPPUS, the supposed author of a free Latin adaptation of the _Jewish War_ of Josephus under the title _De bello Judaico et excidio urbis Hierosolymitanae_. The seven books of Josephus are compressed into five, but much has been added from the Antiquities and from the works of Roman historians, while several entirely new speeches are introduced to suit the occasion. Internal evidence shows that the work could not have been written before the 4th century A.D. The author, who is undoubtedly a Christian, describes it in his preface as a kind of revised edition of Josephus. Some authorities attribute it to Ambrose, bishop of Milan (340-397), but there is nothing to settle the authorship definitely. The name Hegesippus itself appears to be a corruption of Josephus, through the stages [Greek: Iôsêpos], Iosippus, Egesippus, Hegesippus, unless it was purposely adopted as reminiscent of Hegesippus, the father of ecclesiastical history (2nd century). Entry: HEGESIPPUS