Meanwhile, the relations between Church and State began to show signs of change. The chief supporters of the claims of the papacy to temporal power were the clericals of France and Austria, but in the former country they had lost all influence, and the situation between the Church and the government was becoming every day more strained. With the rebellion of her "Eldest Daughter," the Roman Church could not continue in her old attitude of uncompromising hostility towards United Italy, and the Vatican began to realize the folly of placing every Italian in the dilemma of being _either_ a good Italian _or_ a good Catholic, when the majority wished to be both. Outside of Rome relations between the clergy and the authorities were as a rule quite cordial, and in May 1903 Cardinal Sarto, the patriarch of Venice, asked for and obtained an audience with the king when he visited that city, and the meeting which followed was of a very friendly character. In July following Leo XIII. died, and that same Cardinal Sarto became pope under the style of Pius X. The new pontiff, although nominally upholding the claims of the temporal power, in practice attached but little importance to it. At the elections for the local bodies the Catholics had already been permitted to vote, and, availing themselves of the privilege, they gained seats in many municipal councils and obtained the majority in some. At the general parliamentary elections of 1904 a few Catholics had been elected as such, and the encyclical of the 11th of June 1905 on the political organization of the Catholics, practically abolished the _non expedit_. In September of that year a number of religious institutions in the Near East, formerly under the protectorate of the French government, in view of the rupture between Church and State in France, formally asked to be placed under Italian protection, which was granted in January 1907. The situation thus became the very reverse of what it had been in Crispi's time, when the French government, even when anti-clerical, protected the Catholic Church abroad for political purposes, whereas the conflict between Church and State in Italy extended to foreign countries, to the detriment of Italian political interests. A more difficult question was that of religious education in the public elementary schools. Signor Giolitti wished to conciliate the Vatican by facilitating religious education, which was desired by the majority of the parents, but he did not wish to offend the Freemasons and other anti-clericals too much, as they could always give trouble at awkward moments. Consequently the minister of education, Signor Rava, concocted a body of rules which, it was hoped, would satisfy every one: religious instruction was to be maintained as a necessary part of the curriculum, but in communes where the majority of the municipal councillors were opposed to it it might be suppressed; the council in that case must, however, facilitate the teaching of religion to those children whose parents desire it. In practice, however, when the council has suppressed religious instruction no such facilities are given. At the general elections of March 1909, over a score of Clerical deputies were returned, Clericals of a very mild tone who had no thought of the temporal power and were supporters of the monarchy and anti-socialists; where no Clerical candidate was in the field the Catholic voters plumped for the constitutional candidate against all representatives of the Extreme Left. On the other hand, the attitude of the Vatican towards Liberalism within the Church was one of uncompromising reaction, and under the new pope the doctrines of Christian Democracy and Modernism were condemned in no uncertain tone. Don Romolo Murri, the Christian Democratic leader, who exercised much influence over the younger and more progressive clergy, having been severely censured by the Vatican, made formal submission, and declared his intention of retiring from the struggle. But he appeared again on the scene in the general elections of 1909, as a Christian Democratic candidate; he was elected, and alone of the Catholic deputies took his seat in the Chamber on the Extreme Left, where all his neighbours were violent anti-clericals. Entry: 1906
By Mrs. Hurst and Miss Bingley they were noticed only by a curtsey; and, on their being seated, a pause, awkward as such pauses must always be, succeeded for a few moments. It was first broken by Mrs. Annesley, a genteel, agreeable-looking woman, whose endeavour to introduce some kind of discourse proved her to be more truly well-bred than either of the others; and between her and Mrs. Gardiner, with occasional help from Elizabeth, the conversation was carried on. Miss Darcy looked as if she wished for courage enough to join in it; and sometimes did venture a short sentence when there was least danger of its being heard.
Count Kochubey did not finish. He rose, took Prince Andrew by the arm, and went to meet a tall, bald, fair man of about forty with a large open forehead and a long face of unusual and peculiar whiteness, who was just entering. The newcomer wore a blue swallow-tail coat with a cross suspended from his neck and a star on his left breast. It was Speranski. Prince Andrew recognized him at once, and felt a throb within him, as happens at critical moments of life. Whether it was from respect, envy, or anticipation, he did not know. Speranski's whole figure was of a peculiar type that made him easily recognizable. In the society in which Prince Andrew lived he had never seen anyone who together with awkward and clumsy gestures possessed such calmness and self-assurance; he had never seen so resolute yet gentle an expression as that in those half- closed, rather humid eyes, or so firm a smile that expressed nothing; nor had he heard such a refined, smooth, soft voice; above all he had never seen such delicate whiteness of face or hands--hands which were broad, but very plump, soft, and white. Such whiteness and softness Prince Andrew had only seen on the faces of soldiers who had been long in hospital. This was Speranski, Secretary of State, reporter to the Emperor and his companion at Erfurt, where he had more than once met and talked with Napoleon.
During one of these moments of awkward silence when Anatole's prominent eyes were gazing calmly and fixedly at her, Natasha, to break the silence, asked him how he liked Moscow. She asked the question and blushed. She felt all the time that by talking to him she was doing something improper. Anatole smiled as though to encourage her.
The poetry of Crashaw will be best appreciated by those who can with most success free themselves from the bondage of a traditional sense of the dignity of language. The custom of his age permitted the use of images and phrases which we now justly condemn as incongruous and unseemly, and the fervent fancy of Crashaw carried this licence to excess. At the same time his verse is studded with fiery beauties and sudden felicities of language, unsurpassed by any lyrist between his own time and Shelley's. There is no religious poetry in English so full at once of gross and awkward images and imaginative touches of the most ethereal beauty. The temper of his intellect seems to have been delicate and weak, fiery and uncertain; he has a morbid, almost hysterical, passion about him, even when his ardour is most exquisitely expressed, and his adoring addresses to the saints have an effeminate falsetto that makes their ecstasy almost repulsive. The faults and beauties of his very peculiar style can be studied nowhere to more advantage than in the _Hymn to Saint Teresa_. Among the secular poems of Crashaw the best are _Music's Duel_, which deals with that strife between the musician and the nightingale which has inspired so many poets, and _Wishes to his supposed Mistress_. In his latest sacred poems, included in the _Carmen Deo nostro_, sudden and eminent beauties are not wanting, but the mysticism has become more pronounced, and the ecclesiastical mannerism more harsh and repellent. The themes of Crashaw's verses are as distinct as possible from those of Shelley's, but it may, on the whole, be said that at his best moments he reminds the reader more closely of the author of _Epipsychidion_ than of any earlier or later poet. Entry: CRASHAW
(a) The state of the stomach, heart, &c., has long been recognized as important in the causation of dreams (see below, Classical Views). The common sensation of flying seems to be due in many cases to the disturbance of these organs setting up sensations resembling those felt in rapidly ascending or descending, as in a swing or a lift. Indigestion is a frequent cause of nightmare--the term given to oppressive and horrible dreams--and bodily discomfort is sometimes translated into the moral region, giving rise to the dream that a murder has been committed. (b) Dreams of flying, &c., have also been attributed to the condition of the muscles during sleep; W. Wundt remarks that the movements of the body, such as breathing, extensions of the limbs and so on, must give rise to dream fancies; the awkward position of the limbs may also excite images. (c) Especially important, probably, for the dreams of the early part of the night are the retinal conditions to which are due the _illusions hypnagogiques_ of the preliminary drowsy stage; but probably Ladd goes too far in maintaining that entoptic stimuli, either intra- or extra-organic in origin, condition all dreams. _Illusions hypnagogiques_, termed popularly "faces in the dark," of which Maury has given a full account, are the not uncommon sensations experienced, usually visual and seen with both open and closed eyes, in the interval between retiring to rest and actually falling asleep; they are comparable to the crystal-gazing visions of waking moments; though mainly visual they may also affect other senses. Besides the eye the ear may supply material for dreams, when the circulation of the blood suggests rushing waters or similar ideas. (d) It is a matter of common observation that the temperature of the surface of the body determines in many cases the character of the dreams, the real circumstances, as might be expected from the general character of the dream state, being exaggerated. In the same way the pressure of bed-clothes, obstruction of the supply of air, &c., may serve as the starting-point of dreams. The common dream of being unclothed may perhaps be due to this cause, the sensations associated with clothing being absent or so far modified as to be unrecognizable. In the same way the absence of foot-gear may account for some dreams of flying. It is possible to test the influence of external stimuli by direct experiment; Maury made a number of trials with the aid of an assistant. Entry: DREAM